May/June '01 Issue

The Case for Issue Advocacy
By Charles T. McConville, Director, P.a.C.E.

In April, the Ohio Elections Commission dismissed a complaint against the Ohio Chamber of Commerce and Citizens for a Strong Ohio (CSO) concerning last fall’s judicial issue advocacy campaign. To anyone familiar with the history of cases involving issue advocacy in the United States, this result comes as no surprise. In all, that action marked the fourth unsuccessful attempt to subject CSO to unconstitutional regulation.

While last fall’s campaign tone was the subject of some criticism, it drew attention to several areas. Whether we want to believe it or not, judicial elections are a political process, one which has long been dominated by trial lawyers and labor unions. Business chose to make its voice heard because of the activist majority on the court – a block of four of seven justices – that has been causing severe damage to the public policy and business climate in Ohio. No one can argue that awareness of the Ohio Supreme Court has reached a new level – along with the awareness of the importance the court has to a wide spectrum of groups, including labor, business, and trial lawyers.

Much has been said about the desire to avoid more heated battles over the court. There are at least three ways to do this. The first, and perhaps best way, would be for the court to curb its tendency to intervene in matters of public policy which are the domain of the legislature. After all, the best way to instill public confidence in the judiciary is not to stifle criticism, but to have all sectors of the public believe they are being treated fairly.

A second alternative would be to move the judicial selection process away from elections to a system of appointment with input from many groups. This would certainly end the overt political pressure of political campaigns and financial contributions. Such a change, however, would make the politics more subtle as interests jockey for perceived influence in the selection process.

Finally, there has been the suggestion that there should be curbs on issue advocacy. This idea runs afoul of the fundamental protection afforded to free speech under the law. In a federal court case about issue ads several years ago, an appeals court put it this way: “The fact that the commercial specifically identified Clinton and Gore and was openly hostile did not render the commercial express advocacy, because it lacked the essential content of express advocacy - direct exhortation to the public to vote against them.”

While critics of issue ads decry them as thinly veiled campaign commercials, their legitimacy has been upheld in jurisdictions around the country. As a communications vehicle, they have been employed by organizations of every philosophical position, including the Sierra Club, the AFL-CIO, the National Organization for Women and the National Rifle Association.

Although many organizations ran issue advocacy spots in Ohio last year, only CSO and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce were the targets of election complaints. This may suggest that the complaints had more to do with the philosophical positions of the petitioners – Common Cause and the Alliance for Democracy – than their legitimate chances of success in seeking regulation of this activity.

The Alliance for Democracy is not garden variety “good government” organization. Its mission, “ to end the domination of our politics, our economics, the environment, our information and our culture by large corporations . . .,” takes aim at the engine of American commerce. Among its initiatives have been a campaign for single-payer (government run) health care, protesting the World Trade Organization meetings in Seattle, and a call for government-funded federal campaigns which would deny the rights of interest groups to participate in campaign politics.

Not that liberal extremists are the only ones seeking to limit free speech: proscriptions of issue advocacy are a major component of the McCain-Feingold bill, even though they are widely perceived to be unconstitutional. Business advocates should note that one of the principal opponents of issue ad restrictions is the AFL-CIO, which spent more than $40 million on issue advocacy spots in 1996.

The bottom line is this: there are many persons who would like to restrict the speech rights of associations that represent the business point of view, while not applying the same level of scrutiny to other interest groups. Business advocates should not eschew the use of issue advocacy or any other communications vehicle available to other interest groups. We should not be held to a different standard than other participants in the political arena. Only through vigorous debate and the expression of a wide variety of views can the meaning of the First Amendment be upheld.